“The Looming Threat of a Greater Albania”…


by Nikolaos Stavrou

American and European foreign policy in the Balkans, suffering from a terminal form of historical amnesia, is bankrupt. The results of those bankrupt policies are visibly on display today as Kosovo Albanians declare themselves independent and a second Muslim state is now established on the European continent. The stage is now set for a regime led by elements of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and beholden to the interests of Islamic fundamentalists and narcotraffikers, to create the dream of a Greater Albania.  All made possible by the United States and its European allies.

The Kosovo Liberation Army now has a base from which to foment other insurgencies which it has done in Macedonia and Serbia proper. The goal of the KLA is to create a Greater Albania. That goal is no longer a pipe dream.

Albanian governments have alway faced a choice between friendly relations with their neighbors or the protection of  a powerful patron in order to pursue the dream of a «Greater» Albania. Albanian leaders have always opted for the second option. Ottoman Turkey, Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union, Maoist China and now the United States have all played a key role in helping Albania achieve its objectives in the region. In each case, their patron was cast aside when they were no longer useful.

The European powers redrew borders in 1913 such a way that they ensured that no Balkan state would come close to reflecting its ethnic boundaries, thus creating a state of perpetual conflict. The overarching goal was to keep these fledgling states weak, requiring alliances with European patrons.

Fascism had been a flourishing ideology in Albania since 1927 and it quickly came to the forefront during the Italian occupation. No Albanian could dream that the Rome-Berlin Axis was capable of being defeated. The new Albanian government sent the crown of Skenderberg to be handed to Victor Emanuel who would be proclaimed King of Italy and Albania and Emperor of Ethiopia. Within days of the transfer of the crown a new map made its appearance. The map of Greater Albania or Shqiperia Ethnik, which now adorns the patches of the KLA and is the logo of the Albanian American Civic League. It incorporated Kosovo, parts of Greece, western Macedonia, part of Montenegro, and Serbia.

In 1943, when Mussolini was overthrown by Marshal Pietro Badoglio in September 1943, Albania switched its primary allegiance and dutifully offered men and services to the Nazis. In Kosovo, the Albanians formed the SS Skenderbeg division, while in Albania proper the nationalist movement, Ball Kombëtar, joined the Nazis in their butchery of innocent civilians. The governments in Tirana ruled over Greater Albania with the same finesse that the Nazis ruled Greeks and Slavs. For Albanian leaders, the acquisition of Kosovo was more important than who their friends happened to be. Even Albania’s leading intellectual and most highly regarded statesman, Mehdi Bey Frashëri, was impressed by Germany’s territorial «generosity» and agreed to act as «regent,» under the watchful eye of  Hermann Nuebacher, Hitler’s Balkan envoy. Frashëri, like others, believed that only Nazi Germany guaranteed the permanent union of Kosovo with Albania, and he was not about to reject help for ideological reasons. Frashëri was guided by the same principles as those espoused by another prominent Albanian intellectual, Omer Nishani. Nishani was  a card-carrying member of the Albanian Fascist Party had written previously:

«Today is a historic day for Albania. On this day, a year ago, the Constituent Assembly in Tirana unanimously decided to deliver the Crown of Skenderbeg to the king and Emperor of Italy, Victor Immanuel III. From that day on, Albania has linked her destiny to that of Fascist Italy and the Albanian people have placed themselves under a genuine monarch, in whose hands the Crown of Skenderbeg will retain its historic value. . . . On this occasion I should also like to point out several things about the fascist regime. It is most suitable for our backward country. The national identity and independence can be preserved through good organization and discipline as the fascist doctrine preaches. We have a need to organize and discipline ourselves according to the dogma of Albanian fascism, which will strengthen our nationality under the Roman Empire. Only in this way will we achieve our heart’s desire of expanding Albania to its ethnic borders.»

Between April 1939 and October 1940, the Italian general staff organized fourteen Albanian regiments (sixty-two-thousand troops) to be used against Greece and Yugoslavia. These units operated as integral parts of the army of the empire and, by and large, followed the international law governing war. But the Albanian government also asked and was allowed to create parallel irregular units, which would operate beyond the constraints of international law. Their mission was to create «facts on the ground» by terrorizing Greeks in northern and southern Epirus and expelling Serbs from their ancestral homes in Kosovo. Military documents captured by the Greek forces in the Italian garrison of Korcë (document no. 122, 29 June 1939) give the details of an understanding the Albanian and Italian governments shared concerning the importance of independent action by the irregulars. Though the Albanian government insisted that the fourteen regiments would «fight under national colors,» the irregular units needed neither «national colors» nor uniforms; only weapons, which the Italians supplied in abundance. However, there was a direct linkage between regulars and irregulars and a tacit division of labor. The former were partners in the creation of a new European order, while the latter would do the dirty business of ethnically cleansing Kosovo of Serbs and Epirus of Greeks. By war’s end, the irregulars and Ball Kombëtar forces had reduced the Serbian population of  Kosovo by three hundred thousand. For the first time in its long history, Albanians became the majority in the province. As in today’s Kosovo, all atrocities against Greeks and Serbs were conveniently attributed to irregulars over whom the central command supposedly had no control. As far as communist resistance is concerned, the record is clear: it started in earnest after the battle of Stalingrad and intensified when Julian Amery (chief of British intelligence in Albania) showed up with sufficient quantities of gold coins to make it happen.  Communist resistance was hardly in evidence when Greeks and Serbs were fighting fascism.

In 1999, the KLA also waited for an assignment during NATO’s air war  against a sovereign state. Having ruled out ground forces for Kosovo, NATO  was looking for a local substitute and found it in the KLA. No questions asked. The mounting evidence that the KLA was a motley collection of nationalist fanatics, unrepentant communists, and common criminals was simply brushed aside. Typical of this willful blindness was a statement by Senator Joseph Lieberman in the midst of the Balkan war. Lieberman asserted that «the United States of America and Kosovo Liberation Army stand for the same human values and principles.» He added that «fighting for the KLA is fighting for human rights and American values.» Armed with such illusions, the NATO powers not only blundered into Kosovo, they greatly strengthened the faction in the Balkans with the most aggressively expansionist agenda. NATO’s intervention set the stage for the later crisis in Macedonia; indeed, it made that crisis virtually inevitable.

While NATO seems saddled with the role of  managing a protectorate on behalf of the United Nations, the Albanian irregulars have succeeded in making Kosovo Europe’s most monoethnic piece of  real estate.

In 2001, the Albanian National Liberation Army  (NLNA) , an offshoot of the KLA, initiated a short conflict against the FYROM [Former Yugoslavian Republic of Macedonia] government, mostly in the north and west of the country.  This war ended with the intervention of a NATO ceasefire monitoring force. In the  Ohrid Agreement, the government agreed to devolve greater political power and cultural recognition to the Albanian minority. The Albanian side agreed to surrender separatist demands and to fully recognize all Macedonian institutions. In addition, according to this accord, the NLA were to disarm and hand over their weapons to a NATO force. Once the agreement was signed, NATO sent in thirty-five-hundred troops to begin a thirty-day mission to disarm NLA forces. The farcical nature of that mission was highlighted when NATO officials insisted that the rebels had only an estimated thirty-three-hundred weapons. Macedonian prime minister Ljubco Georgievski was incredulous: «We used to seize that quantity in a single raid. . . . I think it is laughable to speak of thirty-three-hundred pieces six months after the outbreak of the crisis.»  Nevertheless, NATO pronounced the disarmament mission a success

Some provisions of the agreement have the effect of facilitating the NLA’s secessionist agenda. … The worst aspect of the settlement forced on the FYROM government by the Western powers is that it gives the NLA a sizable de facto safe haven. Ethnic Albanian forces now effectively control approximately one-sixth of the country’s territory. Government forces and police are not allowed to go there, and the Skopje government does not exercise even nominal control.

When policy makers operate in a historical vacuum, mythology and history acquire equal value, as the current Western approach to the Balkans affirms.

Unfortunately, the dye has been cast, for better or for worst. policies based on myth will now reap what they have sown. Contrary to expectations of a multi-culturally tolerant, economically developing, neighbor friendly Balkan region where peace is about to break out we will be saddled with an expansionist Muslim state that is well on its way to being a lynch pin of organized crime and Islamic fundamentalism on Europe’s doorstep with surrounded by angry and vengeful competitors. Hardly the island of stability and loyal ally US planners had hoped for.


Balkan Wars by Andre Gerolymatos

Kosovo and Macedonia: The West Enhances the Threat by Ted Galen Carpenter

Pages From Albanian History by Nikolaos Stavrou

6 thoughts on ““The Looming Threat of a Greater Albania”…

  1. Re: Comment
    Human scum and social paracites are now educated. They know how to spell «shit» and «fuck» and what’s more to type it on the keyboard. Oh well, there’s still hope for this confounded world.

  2. fuckgreece, sorry, the only reason you are in NATO is that you washing dishew in Afganistan.
    Oh! Another reason is the Uranioum you have Skopia, and Kossovo!
    Otherwise you are useless to the west.
    They (usa) don’t give a shit about Albania!
    A SHIT!!
    Now if you feel strong come and get what you want!DO YOU DARE?DO YOU DARE MOTHERFUCKERS?COME,COME!
    But first junp out of the Tuskish pocket!
    And the US panties!
    The Albanians became humans!!!
    The Albania became strong nation!!!!
    The Albania took a present from US and wants more!!!!

  3. what the sheet greeks belive that they are ,i am a albanian girl and these sites are good to inform people about the greek people .the true is that they are afreid of albania they are zjelous becouse we are more strong and more braile than the hellllens .We are ilirrrrrrrrrrrr we are proud of our origin ,oll greeks are being in love with us be are the most beaudiful girls in the world,if you have time check out albanians girls ,,,,,,,,,,,,love my Albanian [krenare qe jam shqiptare ]<33333333 puci fjeri shqiperia shqiptaret kudo qe jan jemi te bashkuar asnjehere te fituar.your girl.kissssssssssss


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